Derivation and Explanation in the Minimalist Program

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Edition: 1st
Format: Paperback
Pub. Date: 2002-12-03
Publisher(s): Wiley-Blackwell
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Summary

Derivation and Explanation in the Minimalist Program presents accessible, cutting-edge research on an enduring and fundamental question confronting all linguistic inquiry - the respective roles of derivation and representation.The volume explores ways in which the Minimalist perspective on transformational rules and their iterative application facilitates deeper explanation than is possible within Government and Binding theory. Through discussion of a wide range of phenomena, the majority of papers in the volume present arguments in favor of derivational approaches, although alternative, representational perspectives are also included. Derivation and Explanation in the Minimalist Program is essential reading for anyone interested in the foundational yet contemporary issue of derivation versus representation and its relation to current Minimalist method, analysis, and the quest for explanation.

Author Biography

Samuel David Epstein is Associate Professor of Linguistics at the University of Michigan. He is co-founder of Syntax: A Journal of Theoretical, Experimental and Interdisciplinary Research and has published widely on syntactic theory. He is the author of Traces and Their Antecedents (1991); co-author of A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations (with E. Groat, R. Kawashima, and H. Kitahara, 1998); and co-editor of Working Minimalism (with N. Hornstein, 1999).

T. Daniel Seely is Associate Professor of Linguistics at Eastern Michigan University. His work on syntactic theory has appeared in journals such as Linguistic Inquiry and Word, and he is a former moderator of The Linguist List.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments x
List of Contributors
xi
Introduction: On the Quest for Explanation 1(1)
Samuel David Epstein
T. Daniel Seely
Explanation through minimization
1(3)
Derivation and explanation in the Minimalist Program
4(6)
The computational process
5(1)
Was GB nonderivational?
6(1)
Which type of derivational theory is preferable?
7(1)
Explanation through representational minimization
8(1)
Summary
9(1)
The articles
10(9)
On the Status of Representations and Derivations
19(23)
Michael Brody
Representations and derivations -- the status of the mixed theory
19(3)
Restrictiveness and duplication
19(1)
Principles of I-language
20(2)
Representations or derivations
22(5)
Derivational theories and weak representationality
22(3)
Restrictiveness again
25(2)
C-command
27(6)
Derivational definition
27(2)
Derivational explanation?
29(3)
Domination
32(1)
Summary
33(9)
Eliminating Labels
42(23)
Chris Collins
Basic properties of X'-Theory
44(5)
Selection
49(8)
Subcategorization and Merge
54(1)
Accessibility
55(2)
The Minimal Link Condition
57(2)
Labels at the PF interface
59(2)
Conclusion
61(4)
Rule Applications as Cycles in a Level-Free Syntax
65(25)
Samuel David Epstein
T. Daniel Seely
Introduction: the role of Minimalist method
65(2)
DBP's general argument for cyclic Spell Out
67(4)
Background: the DBP feature system
67(2)
The general DBP argument that Spell Out must be strongly cyclic
69(2)
The problem with the general argument that Spell Out must be strongly cyclic
71(3)
A derivational approach to the problem of cyclic Spell Out
74(3)
A single representation?
76(1)
Phasal Spell Out
77(7)
Why vP and CP?
78(1)
Global lookback?
79(3)
Simultaneity?
82(2)
Summary
84(6)
Crash-Proof Syntax
90(16)
John Frampton
Sam Gutmann
Filters versus constrained operations
90(4)
Crash-proof syntax and computational efficiency
94(1)
Redundancy
94(1)
Optimal design
95(1)
Crash-proof selection
96(1)
The Case Filter
97(4)
The Chain Condition
101(2)
Conclusion
103(3)
Reprojections
106(27)
Norbert Hornstein
Juan Uriagereka
Introduction
106(1)
Basic mechanics
107(2)
An important prediction
109(2)
QI island inducers
111(2)
LF islands without binary quantification?
113(3)
Binary quantifiers with no associated LF islands?
116(2)
A ``definiteness effect'' in nonexistential contexts
118(2)
Neg-Raising
120(4)
The interpretation of weak determiners
124(1)
A binary treatment for negation
125(3)
Conclusions and further questions
128(5)
Pronouns and Their Antecedents
133(34)
Richard S. Kayne
Introduction
133(1)
Clitic doubling
134(1)
Antecedent and pronoun
135(1)
Control
135(1)
Merge and Move
136(1)
Condition C
137(1)
More on Condition C and on apparently antecedent-less pronouns
138(3)
Strong crossover
141(2)
Condition B
143(4)
Why are there reflexives?
147(1)
English-type reflexives
147(1)
zich-type reflexives
148(2)
Backwards pronominalization
150(2)
Epithets again
152(1)
Condition C reconstruction effects
153(2)
Further Condition C reconstruction effects
155(1)
Sideward movement
156(1)
Circularity
156(1)
``Transitivity of coreference''
157(1)
Split antecedents and overlapping reference
158(1)
Conclusion
158(9)
Scrambling, Case, and Interpretability
167(17)
Hisatsugu Kitahara
Scrambling and binding relations
167(4)
Specifying the mechanisms of scrambling
171(2)
A strongly derivational model of syntax
173(2)
A derivational analysis of binding relations
175(3)
Long-distance scrambling
178(1)
Summary
179(5)
Resumption, Successive Cyclicity, and the Locality of Operations
184(43)
James McCloskey
Background
184(1)
The core pattern and some initial issues
185(3)
The form of complementizers
188(3)
An earlier analysis
191(2)
Mixed chains -- movement and binding
193(9)
Pattern 1
194(3)
Pattern 2
197(2)
Pattern 3
199(2)
Implications
201(1)
Analysis
202(4)
Two features
203(1)
Successive cyclic effects
204(1)
Implications
205(1)
Adjunct extraction
206(7)
A final challenge
213(5)
Summary and conclusion
218(9)
Very Local A' Movement in a Root-First Derivation
227(22)
Norvin Richards
Expletive-associate relations
229(2)
Sinking and non-Sinking
231(5)
Very local A' movement
236(9)
Inner tough-movement
236(1)
Vacuous movement
237(1)
Contained relative clauses in Japanese
238(2)
Tense islands
240(1)
Persian scrambling
241(2)
Tagalog extraction
243(2)
Conclusion
245(4)
Arguments for a Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations Based on Clitics
249(20)
Esther Torrego
Introduction
249(3)
Background
250(1)
Background assumptions
251(1)
English
252(1)
Strict derivationality: the first two arguments from Romance
252(8)
The first argument: French and Italian
253(1)
The second argument: Spanish versus French/Italian
254(6)
The third argument
260(4)
Raising-to-object or control?
260(4)
Conclusion
264(5)
Issues Relating to a Derivational Theory of Binding
269(36)
Jan-Wouter Zwart
Introduction
269(3)
Anaphoricity as acquired information
272(3)
Consequences
275(10)
Asymmetry
275(1)
Obviation (Principle C)
276(1)
Obligatoriness
277(1)
Uniqueness
278(1)
C-command
278(1)
Locality
279(1)
Binding restricted to A-positions
280(2)
Local obviation (Principle B)
282(1)
Absence of nominative anaphors
283(1)
Conclusion
284(1)
Other types of anaphora
285(5)
Reconstruction
290(3)
A few words on remaining problems
293(1)
Conclusion
294(11)
Index 305

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